The Jakarta Post
Friday, December 30, 2005
Muslims, Minorities and the State in Indonesia
Muhamad Ali , Manoa, Honolulu
Indonesian Islam will remain moderate and tolerant by and large, but
problems and challenges will continue to exist. The future of
Indonesia depends on the ways in which the government and various
Muslim groups actually act in public life. While violence,
discrimination, and grievances are still felt among the minorities,
especially non-Muslims, the Muslim majority continue maintaining the
tolerant, moderate character of the country. A small number of
hard-liners and terrorists will be disproportionately influential, but
the tolerant, moderate majority and the government will not be silent.
Most Muslim groups no longer challenge the state ideology of Pancasila
and the 1945 Constitution which guarantee freedom of religion, despite
a small group who advocate an Islamic Caliphate or the implementation
of Islamic law. Generally speaking, Catholics, Protestants, Hindus,
Buddhists, Confucians, Sikhs, Bahais, Jews, indigenous believers,
foreigners, and other groups, will continue to live freely and
peacefully in the country if their leaders and communities continue to
work together with others and if the government facilitates dialog and
solves common issues, concerns and disputes.
The promotion of the implementation of a more "comprehensive Islamic
law" will continue to be outside the mainstream political discourse.
But with regional autonomy, some provinces such as Aceh have begun to
implement sharia. Others such as South Sulawesi and Banten have
attempted to follow suit. Some regencies, such as Bulukumba in South
Sulawesi, launched in 2003 a bylaw implementing civil Islamic law
there for all Muslims. The regent of Cianjur required all government
workers to wear Islamic clothing every day, and some men and women
were afraid not to comply. However conservative these measures may be,
non-Muslims are not subject to such regulations, their advocates
claim.
However, the Muslim moderates and minorities are worried about such
measures and other programs of implementation of any exclusivist
sectarian system of law and ethics at the national and local levels.
For these groups, the advocates of Islamic law at the local level
shows insensitivity toward others, including the minorities.
Grievances, discrimination, hatred and violence have the potential to
occur. Legally speaking, few problems exist. It is true that an effort
is being made to revise the ministerial decree on the building of
houses of worship of 1969, involving different religious groups. But
other regulations such as the guidelines for the propagation of
religion of 1978, overseas aid to religious institutions in Indonesia,
1978, and proselytizing guidelines, 1978, will also need to be
reexamined. There still exists the problem of "Islamization versus
Christianization". Muslims and Christians accuse each other of
proselytizing in an unfair manner.
The law does not discriminate against any religious group in
employment, education, housing, or health care. However, if the
government does not take proper action, actual discrimination will
still persist, such as civil registration, national identification
cards, access to public education and to government jobs, and
registration of interfaith marriages. Many members of minority groups
will continue to complain that the government or local officials make
it harder for them than for Muslims to build a house of worship, to
get access to public universities, to gain government jobs, or to
register their marriages.
Hard-line groups will continue to use pressure, intimidation or
violence against those whose message they view offensive to their
interpretation of Islam if the government and the police fail to
uphold law and order and if the moderate groups simply leave them as
they are, without initiating dialog to avoid violent measures.
Some extremists claiming to uphold Islamic morality may sometimes
attack cafes, nightclubs, and foreigners when the occasion allows.
They can also threaten freedom of expression such as music, paintings
and films which they consider insulting to their version of Islam.
Sporadic incidents of ethno-religious violence will continue in
conflict areas, particularly Sulawesi and the Maluku, if the
government does not prevent this from happening. Apart from these
local conflicts, regional and global terrorism, albeit relatively
reduced with the death of Dr. Azahari and the capture of some two
hundred terrorists by the police, will still be a potential threat to
the country. Terrorism remains the major problem, albeit difficult to
detect, but more collaborative measures are extremely crucial.
Recently, the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), the Hizbut Tahrir
Indonesia, and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI), declared that
terrorism was against Islam, but despite this condemnation, religious
opinions in their speeches and publications still contain a lack of
insight, exclusivity, and condemnation of other Muslims who do not
share their interpretation. The forced closure of churches by members
of FPI simply shows their intolerance.
The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI)'s fatwa condemning secularism,
pluralism, and liberalism as they understand them, and declaring
Ahmadiyah as un-Islamic, is counterproductive to freedom of religion.
The attacks against Ahmadiyah and the intimidation of the Liberal
Islam Network (JIL) will continue to occur if the government tolerates
such abuse of religious freedom or fails to punish the perpetrators
and actors.
So far there have been no reports of forced religious conversions by
Muslims or by minorities, but this could occur if the religious
preachers and missionaries do not respect the faiths of others. No
restrictions exist on the publication of religious materials, the use
of religious symbols, and on televised religious programming, but some
religious publications and television programs are insulting to
members of other faiths.
Conspiracy theories and blaming others to explain one's own problems
and weaknesses are still popular in some Islamic publications.
Religious absolutism and extreme exclusivism are still part of the
interreligious problem that should be addressed properly through
communication, education, and dialog.
Non-governmental organizations such as the Society for Interfaith
Dialog (Madia), the Indonesian Antidiscrimination Movement (Gandi),
the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace (ICRP), the Institute
for Interfaith Dialog (Interfidei), the National People's Solidarity,
the Islam Liberal Network (JIL), the International Center for Islam
and Pluralism (ICIP) and some others, will have to play a more crucial
role in promoting interreligious dialog and cooperation.
Islamic parties have become less ideological, as they endorse
democracy. The emerging of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) seems
more pragmatic now and its future development remains to be seen; it
attempts to attract non-Muslim members and supporters as well. The
more religiously inclusive National Mandate Party (PAN) and National
Awakening Party (PKB), and other parties will have to do more on
interreligious cooperation.
Religion for most Indonesians remains a principal factor of social
ties, group identity and morality. More individuals and groups are
searching for spiritual peace and transcendental answers to the real
and perceived social and political turmoil. Indonesia has now
witnessed a growing Islamic awareness and public piety, with regard to
dress, business, and publications.
The faces and voices are largely conservative, in the sense that
rituals and symbols are more important, whereas religious
reinterpretation, interreligious education and dialog have not
received their attention and efforts.
Not only at times of conflict, but also at times of peace should
Muslims, the minorities, and the state work together through peaceful
methods in bringing about peace, justice and prosperity. The future of
Indonesia is on their shoulders.
Muhamad Ali is a lecturer at the State Islamic University, Jakarta, a
PhD candidate in History at the University of Hawaii at Manoa and a
fellow at the East-West Center, Honolulu. He can be reached at
muhali74@....
Friday, December 30, 2005
Muslims, Minorities and the State in Indonesia
Muhamad Ali , Manoa, Honolulu
Indonesian Islam will remain moderate and tolerant by and large, but
problems and challenges will continue to exist. The future of
Indonesia depends on the ways in which the government and various
Muslim groups actually act in public life. While violence,
discrimination, and grievances are still felt among the minorities,
especially non-Muslims, the Muslim majority continue maintaining the
tolerant, moderate character of the country. A small number of
hard-liners and terrorists will be disproportionately influential, but
the tolerant, moderate majority and the government will not be silent.
Most Muslim groups no longer challenge the state ideology of Pancasila
and the 1945 Constitution which guarantee freedom of religion, despite
a small group who advocate an Islamic Caliphate or the implementation
of Islamic law. Generally speaking, Catholics, Protestants, Hindus,
Buddhists, Confucians, Sikhs, Bahais, Jews, indigenous believers,
foreigners, and other groups, will continue to live freely and
peacefully in the country if their leaders and communities continue to
work together with others and if the government facilitates dialog and
solves common issues, concerns and disputes.
The promotion of the implementation of a more "comprehensive Islamic
law" will continue to be outside the mainstream political discourse.
But with regional autonomy, some provinces such as Aceh have begun to
implement sharia. Others such as South Sulawesi and Banten have
attempted to follow suit. Some regencies, such as Bulukumba in South
Sulawesi, launched in 2003 a bylaw implementing civil Islamic law
there for all Muslims. The regent of Cianjur required all government
workers to wear Islamic clothing every day, and some men and women
were afraid not to comply. However conservative these measures may be,
non-Muslims are not subject to such regulations, their advocates
claim.
However, the Muslim moderates and minorities are worried about such
measures and other programs of implementation of any exclusivist
sectarian system of law and ethics at the national and local levels.
For these groups, the advocates of Islamic law at the local level
shows insensitivity toward others, including the minorities.
Grievances, discrimination, hatred and violence have the potential to
occur. Legally speaking, few problems exist. It is true that an effort
is being made to revise the ministerial decree on the building of
houses of worship of 1969, involving different religious groups. But
other regulations such as the guidelines for the propagation of
religion of 1978, overseas aid to religious institutions in Indonesia,
1978, and proselytizing guidelines, 1978, will also need to be
reexamined. There still exists the problem of "Islamization versus
Christianization". Muslims and Christians accuse each other of
proselytizing in an unfair manner.
The law does not discriminate against any religious group in
employment, education, housing, or health care. However, if the
government does not take proper action, actual discrimination will
still persist, such as civil registration, national identification
cards, access to public education and to government jobs, and
registration of interfaith marriages. Many members of minority groups
will continue to complain that the government or local officials make
it harder for them than for Muslims to build a house of worship, to
get access to public universities, to gain government jobs, or to
register their marriages.
Hard-line groups will continue to use pressure, intimidation or
violence against those whose message they view offensive to their
interpretation of Islam if the government and the police fail to
uphold law and order and if the moderate groups simply leave them as
they are, without initiating dialog to avoid violent measures.
Some extremists claiming to uphold Islamic morality may sometimes
attack cafes, nightclubs, and foreigners when the occasion allows.
They can also threaten freedom of expression such as music, paintings
and films which they consider insulting to their version of Islam.
Sporadic incidents of ethno-religious violence will continue in
conflict areas, particularly Sulawesi and the Maluku, if the
government does not prevent this from happening. Apart from these
local conflicts, regional and global terrorism, albeit relatively
reduced with the death of Dr. Azahari and the capture of some two
hundred terrorists by the police, will still be a potential threat to
the country. Terrorism remains the major problem, albeit difficult to
detect, but more collaborative measures are extremely crucial.
Recently, the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), the Hizbut Tahrir
Indonesia, and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI), declared that
terrorism was against Islam, but despite this condemnation, religious
opinions in their speeches and publications still contain a lack of
insight, exclusivity, and condemnation of other Muslims who do not
share their interpretation. The forced closure of churches by members
of FPI simply shows their intolerance.
The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI)'s fatwa condemning secularism,
pluralism, and liberalism as they understand them, and declaring
Ahmadiyah as un-Islamic, is counterproductive to freedom of religion.
The attacks against Ahmadiyah and the intimidation of the Liberal
Islam Network (JIL) will continue to occur if the government tolerates
such abuse of religious freedom or fails to punish the perpetrators
and actors.
So far there have been no reports of forced religious conversions by
Muslims or by minorities, but this could occur if the religious
preachers and missionaries do not respect the faiths of others. No
restrictions exist on the publication of religious materials, the use
of religious symbols, and on televised religious programming, but some
religious publications and television programs are insulting to
members of other faiths.
Conspiracy theories and blaming others to explain one's own problems
and weaknesses are still popular in some Islamic publications.
Religious absolutism and extreme exclusivism are still part of the
interreligious problem that should be addressed properly through
communication, education, and dialog.
Non-governmental organizations such as the Society for Interfaith
Dialog (Madia), the Indonesian Antidiscrimination Movement (Gandi),
the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace (ICRP), the Institute
for Interfaith Dialog (Interfidei), the National People's Solidarity,
the Islam Liberal Network (JIL), the International Center for Islam
and Pluralism (ICIP) and some others, will have to play a more crucial
role in promoting interreligious dialog and cooperation.
Islamic parties have become less ideological, as they endorse
democracy. The emerging of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) seems
more pragmatic now and its future development remains to be seen; it
attempts to attract non-Muslim members and supporters as well. The
more religiously inclusive National Mandate Party (PAN) and National
Awakening Party (PKB), and other parties will have to do more on
interreligious cooperation.
Religion for most Indonesians remains a principal factor of social
ties, group identity and morality. More individuals and groups are
searching for spiritual peace and transcendental answers to the real
and perceived social and political turmoil. Indonesia has now
witnessed a growing Islamic awareness and public piety, with regard to
dress, business, and publications.
The faces and voices are largely conservative, in the sense that
rituals and symbols are more important, whereas religious
reinterpretation, interreligious education and dialog have not
received their attention and efforts.
Not only at times of conflict, but also at times of peace should
Muslims, the minorities, and the state work together through peaceful
methods in bringing about peace, justice and prosperity. The future of
Indonesia is on their shoulders.
Muhamad Ali is a lecturer at the State Islamic University, Jakarta, a
PhD candidate in History at the University of Hawaii at Manoa and a
fellow at the East-West Center, Honolulu. He can be reached at
muhali74@....
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